By RONN JOSHUA C. BAUTISTA

Twenty-two years ago, American sailors stood in parade rest aboard the 10,000-ton aircraft carrier USS Independence to form the words “Farewell Subic.” From what used to be the largest US military base outside American territory, the Independence and its six escort ships made their last port call at the Subic Naval Base, with little fanfare.

It was 1991, and the Philippine Senate has just expelled hundreds of American warships after voting to end the 1947 US Military Bases Agreement. In less than a decade, however, America’s war machines are back. US troops again roam the Philippines, making headlines with their crimes against women and the environment.

Once more, the country is negotiating with the US government for a proposed military cooperation. The talks reek of an unpleasant déjà vu.

Deployment

Facing various threats to national security, from the secessionist struggle in Muslim Mindanao and the decades-old communist insurgency, to the standoff in the West Philippine Sea, the government has consistently tried to rekindle its defense relationship with the US.

The most recent of these efforts spawned the Increased Rotational Presence Framework Agreement (IRP) after a US diplomatic meeting last August. It will support what the government calls a ‘minimum credible defense posture’, which will improve the Armed Forces of the Philippines’ (AFP) capability to engage threats with the help of the US military.

As Philippine Ambassador to the US Jose Cuisia Jr. explains, “We work closely with the United States, our country’s only treaty ally, [to] ensure that our security arrangements remain relevant.”

Currently, the country permits America’s unrestricted access to Philippine territory for joint exercises and port calls under the 1999 Visiting Forces Agreement (VFA). However, unlike the VFA which limits their activities near the former US bases in Subic and Clark, the IRP now opens all of the country’s 52 AFP bases for US troops.

In addition, the number of troops allowed will depend solely on the discretion of the AFP and the US Pacific Command, which Defense Undersecretary Pio Batino assures “would still be sensitive to the situation on the ground.” Yet, with no definite number, the IRP may virtually allow an unlimited number of US troops in Philippine soil.

'Temporary'

The Philippine Constitution bans the permanent presence of any foreign troop in the country, unless duly permitted by the Senate through a treaty. Otherwise, an executive agreement would suffice for military alliances.

Since the VFA’s implementation, the Senate has not ratified any treaty on foreign troops. Instead, the VFA and the proposed IRP are only executive agreements, raising red flags regarding their constitutionality.

For its part, DFA argues that all activities under the IRP will be temporary and thus will not violate the constitutional ban on foreign bases. “Where and what can be prepositioned will be subject to prior approval by the Philippine government [and] will contain specific areas and time,” explains DFA assistant secretary Carlos Sorreta.

But the country’s experience with military partnerships show that “temporary” can mean otherwise.

When the US launched its War on Terror in 2001, the US sent 500 troops under the Joint Special Operations Task Force-Philippines (JSOTF-P) to build barracks in Zamboanga City and guide the country’s anti-insurgency program in Mindanao. Similar to the IRP, the JSOTF-P is supposed to be temporary and follow a rotational schedule every six months. “Pero noong 2001 pa sila diyan. Rotational permanent na sila,” quips Bayan Muna partylist representative Carlos Zarate.

“The US government is trying to hide behind the technicality that they would not set up a permanent military base, but as it is, US troops will always be in the country and use our military camps,” adds Rep. Neri Colmenares, also of Bayan Muna partylist.

Ties That Bind

The JSOTF-P would not be the only instance US makes the Philippines – a supposedly sovereign state – an extension of its territory.

Under the Obama administration’s ‘pivot to Asia’ policy, US hopes to make the Philippines its base for pursuing political and economic agenda in the region. With the IRP, the US can militarily control vital trade routes in the West Philippine Sea, where at least one-third and one-half of the global crude oil and natural gas trade pass through, respectively, according to the US Energy Information Administration.

This pivot becomes particularly meaningful with the rise of America’s greatest competition and now the world’s second largest economy: China. In 2012, the US Treasury Department reported that China holds most of the US debts with $1.17 trillion worth of American bonds. “With American companies transferring to China, the US is now very vulnerable. The only way to counteract China’s economic leverage is to build up military pressure,” explains Dr. Francisco Nemenzo, a UP political science professor emeritus specializing in international relations.

The move is not without precedent. When the US bases were still functional, Subic became the forward position of the US Navy during the Vietnam and Korean War, hosting more than 250 warships every day for refueling and repair. In 2001, the Philippines was also one of the first countries to offer its territory for America’s anti-terrorism efforts.

In essence, the partnership with the US turns the entire Philippines into an important base for US aggression in the region. In return, America sends military assistance, especially in the form of a military financing program. This year, in fact, Aquino boasts of two decommissioned coast guard ships and $30 million in military financial aid from the US.

Cannon Fodder

The “advantages” of the partnership, however, end there. In becoming the US’ cannon fodder, Filipinos get dragged into wars that are not even their own.

In World War II, for instance, American presence in the Philippines made it a priority target for the Japanese Imperial Army. The following occupation years would then be marked with millions of Filipino casualties

Further, Nemenzo argued that the country’s collaboration in the Vietnam and Korean Wars led the Non-Aligned Movement, an alliance of neutral states during the Cold War, to reject the Philippines’ application, making the country a target for the Soviets. Last year’s North Korean missile fallout also endangered the country. As UP political science professor and expert on US regional security in Asia-Pacific, Dr. Roland Simbulan, explains, “Under the terms of the VFA, North Korea can target our territory because their targets are the US [forces covered by the VFA] here as a defensive measure.”

Oblivious of past errors, the government is now tackling IRP to beef up its military might. At a time when the US has attracted so many enemies, this agreement promises Filipinos only one assurance: the Philippines will be dragged further into grave danger.

For those who remember the years of terror when US troops roamed our lands freely and used our shores to launch their wars, it is an uneasy feeling of déjà vu. Ever subservient to Uncle Sam, the Aquino regime, however, simply refuses to learn from history. ●

Published in print in the Collegian’s September 28, 2013 issue, with the headline “Deja vu with Uncle Sam.”