By J. SANTIAGO L. STA. ROMANA
The “democratic revolution” of Marcos has started: The Marcos state forces have invaded the University of the Philippines.
Only a week after Marcos delivered his State of the Nation Address, the truth can no longer be hidden from the public consciousness: The so-called Marcos democratic revolution is simply another name for the heightened Marcos fascism.
The military aggression upon the University is a milestone by any standards. Not only is it the first full-fledged fascist intrusion in the whole history of the Diliman republic, it is likewise the most blatant rape of any university in the country. The shock has been tremendous. The military attack at the University was simply unthinkable. Not even in the wildest dreams of the campus liberals and sacristans could this happen, but the fascist aggression has already become a historical fact.
Yet it may have been the best shock that ever happened to the University from the viewpoint of the Second Propaganda Movement. The use of military force at the University only served to increase the political consciousness and struggle of the students and faculty. As a matter of fact, the military onslaught has successfully conveyed what hundreds of Movement for Democratic Philippines press releases may never be able to achieve.
For one thing, the radicalizations of the academic community have never been so swift and so widespread. Whether one was a fratman or a Catholic actionist, a liberal or an ROTC officer, the radicalization process was inevitable. Fascism was no longer a piece of rhetoric; it now achieved a flesh-and-blood reality with the sight of charging gas-masked Metrocom troopers armed with deadly weapons. The horizon for non-commitment was reduced to a razor’s edge, and shades of grey in ideology turned to black or white questions. There was no longer any room for flabby moderation, as nobody could remain standing still while the storm raged within the University.
The popular resistance carried on by the UP students and faculty members against the military intrusion was a concrete test of their consciousness of struggle. With revolutionary courage and enthusiasm, the struggle was not in vain.
All in all, the fascist attack at the University actually contributed to the tremendous overall rise in the revolutionary consciousness of the students and faculty in Diliman.
The university has long been used to the ring of the rhetoric of revolution—but with the events of the past days we have practically seen the landscape of a people’s struggle, almost a glimpse, however, romanticized, of a revolutionary base area.
The incredible outburst of revolutionary enthusiasm among activists and activated students, both girls and boys alike, was something that equaled, if not surpassed, the Battle of Mendiola. The children of the First Quarter Storm of 1970 were well in the way of making the First Quarter Storm of 1971, this time with all the historical consciousness and vigor that they could muster.
The landscape of revolution was almost complete, save perhaps for the outright display of “political power.” There was a red flag, gloriously flying over the Arts and Science building (now Palma Hall), symbolic of the continuing university’s struggle against the fascism of the state. Other red flags were waving vigorously over the Engineering and Library buildings as the defense of Diliman continued. The barricades built around the University conveyed the clearcut but ominous message of struggle, and the proliferation of Molotovs and pill-boxes hauntingly meant that this was, indeed, no joking matter. All of a sudden in the University, the revolutionary dictum dare to struggle, dare to win was no longer just a quotable quote. Against the fascist onslaught, the University struggled and won.
The conversion of the UP radio station into the Malayang Radyo ng Demokratikong Komunidad ng Diliman was a major boost that carried the voice of the university activists into the Greater Manila area. The liberated radio station also served as an effective communications system within the university area. Even the technology of demo munitions cropped up with surprises: self-igniting Molotovs, other types of mixed chemicals, and good old reliable kwitis (skyrockets) against then low-flying but now high-flying helicopters.
The key element, of course, was the mass support. Kamia residents provided free food, fratmen helped in manning the barricades, girls moved up to the action frontlines, area residents provided refuge to the fleeing students. The backbone was provided no doubt by the hundreds of activists who have been tried and tested in the rough and tumble of the national democratic struggle.
The University, in its anti-military struggle, became the laboratory for the practice of revolutionary theory. Indeed, the national democratic struggle soared to new and unexplored heights in the University with the historic events of this week. Despite all fascist attacks, the cultural revolution is definitely winning. ●
This article was originally published on February 4, 1971.
